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May 1 ,2021

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By Vincent Alexander

Permit me to comment on Vishnu Bisram`s letter of May 1, 2021, in which he engages in his usual fetish of castigating the PNC. On this occasion, he also castigated David Hinds for not admonishing Amanza Walton-Desir for what he, Bisram, describes as racist remarks that she uttered on a social media programme.  Bisram is the least of persons of moral standing to take such a position against Hinds. While, he accuses Hinds for not admonishing Desir for her “racist” opinion, he, Bisram, sat through an entire Infinity Foundation social media programme and silently gave credence to the utterances of one Kirk Meighoo, who in reference to Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago said: ‘these were new countries, we built these countries, we were foundational people’. After slaving, from the sixteenth century through to the nineteenth century, to humanize the “Wild Coast” (Guyana) the enslaved Africans are referred to as if they made no contribution to the transformation of the “Wild Coast” while the indentured labourers of nineteenth century vintage are referred to as the “foundational people”. Truth and more so Reconciliation, in Guyana, has to start with the acceptance of those fundamental facts. Posturing by Meighoo and the Bisram`s will only cement the divide, which I dare say predates the fifties, the period that Bisram and others identify as its genesis.    

Much of Bisram`s letter is based on false premises and as a consequence misrepresents the true Guyana story. Here are some illustrations.

  1. The ethnic problem in Guyana does not have its genesis in 57 as Bisram seeks to establish. Guyana`s evolution, from the coming of the Dutch through to the coming of the last set of indentures, the Indians, had at its core exploitation, contrived conflict between and among the various ethnic groups, and the consequential rivalry.  It many have remained controlled and latent with the moments that many describe as it beginnings being just moments like those of the eruption of a volcano (the manifestation of a festering phenomenon/problem). At the time of the formation of the PPP in 1950, when a special effort was made to bring together the Indian and African leadership of the country was but recognition of the inherent socio-organic asymmetry of our society; and an attempt to find or establish the basis for symmetry/cohesion/unity.
  2. Even before the split of the PPP in 1955, Jagan in his letter to the Communist party of Czechoslovakia, seeking assistance, stated that the   left wing of the PPP was in the ascendency. The split did not take an ethnic form or result in ethnic division among the leadership. Clearly the left-inclined stayed with Jagan and the moderates left with Burnham. Hence, both emergent parties, at that point in time, had multi-ethnic leadership. It may however be contended that that was a volcanic moment among the people that saw an eventual alignment of the people, which reflected the asymmetry than was extant but submerged.     
  3. Ms. Walton may be cited for bad use of language in her reference to the Indians being “mentally lazy”. She may of her own accord come to that conclusion but the political environment, as I know it to be, is not conducive to public confessions or public chastisement.  It is an environment of cheap politicking and the scoring of cheap political points, as is the case with Bigram’s letter. As a professed academic, he did not see her as trying to identify a problem worthy of examination. He when straight to the jugular of Walton and the PNC for the usual kill. However, in doing so he averted to the “herd mentality” which might have been the better articulation of Walton`s thoughts, albeit even that moment might have been seized to launch the attack on her.
  4. Bisram showed his real colors when he went on to accuse the PNC of ‘institutionalizing a situation between 1965 and 1992 to marginalize and denigrate Indians and their culture’. First of all he failed to periodize PNC rule, a thing which most genuine academics have done. The 1964-68 and Hoyte era were quite different to the early 70s unto the mid-80s. But even during the mid-70s to the mid-80s the country was affected by the economic problems and each group was affected based on the space they occupied on socio-economic landscape. When the importation of food items was affected, there is the Bisram`s cry that it was policies targeted against the Indians. That begs the question as to when there was retrenchment and mostly Africans were affected if that too was not but a manifestation of another group being affected by the crisis based on their position on the socio-economic landscape. It should also be noted that the scarcity of food items, such as flour and split peas affected all Guyanese and nails the contention that Indians/Hindus were targeted. The Bisram`s also refuse to recognize the manner in which religion and education were treated under the Burnham regime. Religious holidays were granted and religious observations encouraged. Schools became accessible to all when the state took control. There was no longer a need to assume an Anglo-Saxon name to access some quarters of the education sector. The Bisram`s should to themselves be true.
  5. What has not been acknowledged is that prior to independence, the state was under British control hence the call for liberation would have been directed to the British. The inter-ethnic issues where exploited and moderated by the British and our institutions were fashioned to facilitate that operation. Once we became independent, it was no longer us against them. All internal issues arose amongst ourselves and that which was latent became more active. We have failed to fully acknowledge the problem and as a consequence no real overt attempt has been made to correct it, even as we perpetuate it by denial and misdiagnosis, all of which are manifest in the tirades of the Bisram`s et al.

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If the head is corroded, so would be the body

DEAR EDITOR,

I agree with Freddie Kissoon’s analysis of MP Amanza Walton-Desir’s (AWD) apparent shallow comments about the psychology of Indo-Guyanese. She has dared to enter a territory where people far better endowed fear to traverse. Shouldn’t the making of provocative and emotive statements and without any empirical evidence, cast her into darkness? AWD’s six years in government and parliament has not led to any political maturing. Well, understandably, if the head is corroded, so would be the body.
AWD uttered despicable racist comments against Indians in a social media programme moderated by Dr. David Hinds who did not find it necessary to reprimand her on those race-based caustic remarks. Worse yet, since that podcast was being made public on social media, the PNCR has not excoriated Desir or dissociated itself from her position of Indians. Indian activists and scholars are very disappointed at Hinds nodding in agreement with her racist rant when he has written reams of books and articles explaining the reasons why both Blacks and Indians vote ethnically – and not because either group is mentally “shallow.” Mr. LFS Burnham and Mr. Desmond Hoyte would not have tolerated such race-based behaviour and would have removed AWD from parliament.
I don’t know Desir’s academic background. I don’t know if she is qualified (as sociologist, political scientist, anthropologist, psychologist) as an expert to pronounce on Indian or any ethnicity’s social or political behaviour. But clearly, as Freddie surmised, her polemic on Indian on ethnic political behaviour lacks intellectual depth. AMD has displayed a ridiculous idea that by insulting Indians and accusing them of being “mentally lazy” would earn her credit in the PNCR hierarchy. I wonder! Does AWD share the belief of mental laziness for Indians in the PNCR and AFC? When Indians voted in 2015 for PNC led coalition, taking it from 40 percent to 51 percent, were they mentally lazy?
Both major ethnic groups have monolithic support from their ‘ethnic’ political parties. Both sides are engaged in a struggle for political dominance through their respective parties in a competitive process. Both sides are culpable for appealing to ethnic sentiments to muster political support.
This type of tribal politics is not unique to Guyana. It also exists in Suriname, Trinidad & Tobago, Bolivia and in many African countries.
In my studies of comparative politics, what obtains in Guyana is not much different from so many other polarised multi-ethnic states including the US where 95 percent Blacks vote Democratic or in Kenya or Malawi where tribes vote almost exclusively for their tribal party. AWD attacked Indians for supporting PPP/C and for accepting PPP’s policies and programmes. But Africans also support exclusively PNCR policies and programmes. Africans lean on PNCR and Indians lean on PPP/C. It has been this way since 1957. Analysts blame the PNC for the ethnicisation of politics with the ethnic split of the PPP in 1955 though some Black scholars take an opposite view.
Sociologists and political scientists would say both major races behave “rationally” since 1957. They support an ethnic party perceived to be representing the interests of their group – racial solidarity. A few defect out of anger with their ethnic party. Generally, in voting for their ethnic party, they are driven or motivated by the need for ethnic security. The PNC institutionalised a situation between 1965 and 1992 to marginalise and denigrate Indians and their culture which pushed them further to consolidate their presence in the PPP/C. History has shown that African-Guyanese are even more loyal to their political party than Indians to the PPP/C. Indians defected from the PPP/C in 2011 and 2015 and voted to put an African party (PNCR) in government; but unfortunately, that government ill-treated them similar to what Burnham did to them between 1965 and 1985.
Despite being mistreated by their party, Africans have not defected from their party since 1957, save for some in 2006 (going for Raphael Trotman’s AFC party). But Africans returned to their base between 2015 and 2020. Even after the 28 years period of persecution (1964-1992), near starvation and political murders, including of Black intellectuals, the African population still voted PNCR in October 1992, refusing to vote for a multi-ethnic party.
Economic indicators show that Guyana made better socio-economic development during the periods (1957-64 and 1992-2015) than the periods of PNC governance (1964 to 1992 and 2015-2020). Democracy was also strengthened during the period of PPP governance compared with periods of PNCR governance. In spite of poor governance between May 2015 and February 2020, Africans still voted PNC on March 2, 2020, refusing to vote for a plethora of multi-ethnic parties. Is that not a herd mentality? Many Indians were known to vote PNCR in 2011, 2015, and 2020. Many thousands of proprietors of Indian businesses financially supported the PNCR+AFC coalition. They, along with thousands of sugar workers and rice farmers (about 11 percent of total Indian voters) voted for the coalition, and not the PPP/C, in 2015. That is not the behaviour of an Indian herd mentality or of the PPP/C thinking for Indians. Had the PNCR been a democratic organisation and driven by ethnic equity, those Indians would not have returned to the PPP/C in 2020.
For the Indian middle class, the most urgent need was to remove what was seen as a creeping military dictatorship. The goal was to remove the PNCR. Even Freddie, no supporter of PPP, and who was pro-coalition in 2015 playing a significant role in its victory, abandoned the coalition because of poor governance and supported the LJP instead. Freddie was a fierce critic of the PPP/C and a great asset to the coalition, and so were many notable Indians such as Glenn Lall, publisher of KN; Chris Ram, GHK Lall, V. Ramayya, A. Goolsarran and others including pandits and Mulvis. They were all disappointed with the Granger coalition, becoming critical of it. Freddie publicly stated that he had no choice but to lend support to the opposition (LJP) to rid the country of the PNCR, which failed twice in opportunities to transform the country. The PNCR has not made genuine efforts to court Indians’ support. Worse, the party has turned a blind eye to racism and bigotry (against members of other ethnicities like Portuguese, Chinese, Amerindians, Indians, and Mixed) among some in its ranks. The PPP/C, on the other hand, has reached out to Africans, Amerindians and other races and pursued policies redounding to their benefits.
It would do AWD some good to read articles and or books on Guyana’s ethnic politics. Dr. David Hinds has penned some excellent pieces. Ethnic political solidarity must be understood in the context of the country’s historical and political evolution. Political party members don’t have much freedom to deviate from ethnic party’s policies. Adherence to ethnic party support is insured through a set of social or party rewards and penalties that recognise compliance and punish deviation. The fact that AWD was not admonished by the PNCR for spewing hate speech suggests that she is rewarded for her tirade.

Yours truly,
Vishnu Bisram (PhD Pol Sci)

Django

I do not appreciate Dr Vishnu Bisram disrespecting Dr Hinds. Vishnu must now prove that he is beyond 'doctor politics' by going out there and publish his PhD thesis, which is not bogus like so many, by publishing in refereed journals the chapters of his thesis as papers. We can find his thesis in the archives, unlike so many others. Dr Hinds has published some important papers on ethnic politics in Guyana.

FM
Last edited by Former Member

Could anyone show me where Ms. Walton-Desir says that PPP coolie voters are chupid?  It is a common argumentative fallacy to twist the words of someone to suit one's objective. In this case, AWD's words are being twisted by the likes of Vishnu Bisram, Freddie Kissoon and Anil Nandlall because it suits their political objective.  What AWD didn't say I could say: the bulk of IndoGuyanese PPP voters are mentally lazy. I have provided the evidence ad infinitum elsewhere. 

T
@Former Member posted:

I do not appreciate Dr Vishnu Bisram disrespecting Dr Hinds. Vishnu must now prove that he is beyond 'doctor politics' by going out there and publish his PhD thesis, which is not bogus like so many, by publishing in refereed journals the chapters of his thesis as papers. We can find his thesis in the archives, unlike so many others. Dr Hinds has published some important papers on ethnic politics in Guyana.

How about Irfaan Ali's UWI thesis?  Any information on that? 

T

The PNC institutionalised a situation between 1965 and 1992 to marginalise and denigrate Indians and their culture which pushed them further to consolidate their presence in the PPP/C. History has shown that African-Guyanese are even more loyal to their political party than Indians to the PPP/C. Indians defected from the PPP/C in 2011 and 2015 and voted to put an African party (PNCR) in government; but unfortunately, that government ill-treated them similar to what Burnham did to them between 1965 and 1985.

For being stupid, they get what they deserve.

R
Last edited by Ramakant-P

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